Framlingham
There is a baseless tradition that the saintly King Edmund had a
stronghold here before he was evicted and then killed by the Vikings in
869. That there was something here has been proved by excavation,
but not that it was a castle. Before 1066 Framlingham was held by
Thegn Aethelmaer, but afterwards it passed to Roger Bigod (d.1107), who
held it from Earl Hugh of Chester
(d.1101) by 1086. The land itself had been much improved by
Roger, with the population increasing from 24 to 36 villains and from
16 to 28 borders. They were all settled on the 9 carucates of
usable recorded land. Consequently the value of the vill had
increased from £16 in 1066 to £36 in 1086. Roger was
a powerful baron holding 117 estates in Suffolk, 6 in Essex and 13 in
Cheshire. His holdings in Normandy, however, were small.
King Henry I made Roger Bigod
(d.1107) sheriff of all Norfolk and all Suffolk as he put it on 25
December 1100. Such an act obviously gave Roger great power,
although there appears to be no substance to the oft repeated claim
that Henry I gave him Framlingham and allowed him to build a castle
there. This seems to be merely a baseless nineteenth century
conjecture. Roger served William Rufus
(1187-1100), as both steward and sheriff when reconciled to his
monarch after his rebellion in 1088. Between 1103 and his death
in 1107 Roger seems to have granted the endowment of Framlingham (Great
and Little) to Thetford priory which he had founded. Roger was
succeeded by his sons, William (d.1120) and Hugh (d.1177), in
turn. At the end of 1140 Hugh was created earl of Norfolk during
the Anarchy of King Stephen's reign. The new earl was rapidly defeated at the battle of Lincoln on 2 February 1141 and promptly changed sides to the cause of the Empress Matilda
(d.1167). He then fought on as he saw best supporting whichever
side seemed to give him greatest advantage. Consequently,
although Framlingham was the Bigod's caput, as earl of East Anglia, he
tried to add Norwich
to his domains and
repeatedly attacked the castle, occasionally taking it before being
expelled. In 1148 Hugh entertained the archbishop of Canterbury
at Framlingham castle, when both were hostile to King Stephen.
There they met with many bishops and layment who managed to make
a reconciliation between the hostile parties under Hugh's auscpices.
On the accession of King Henry II
in 1154, Bigod remained loyal to the Crown, but seems to have intended
to remain ‘king' in his own domains. Consequently in 1157,
he and 2 neighbours had all their castles seized, probably for internal
fighting or possibly for their opposition to the Crown. As a
result, at Michaelmas 1157, Framlingham was in the king's hand when the
Templers in Framingeh' were
charged 21s for immunity in their lands. The next year they paid
42s, while £16 18s were charged against the king's knights of Framingeha'.
In 1158 the Templers of Framlingham were again charged 21s and records
were kept for the cost of munitioning Earl Hugh's castle of Walton,
which was obviously still in the king's hands. The earl's
fortresses were finally returned by Michaelmas 1165 after the earl had
agreed to pay the king £1,000 for his goodwill after their
meeting at Nottingham. Of this sum 500 marks (£333 6s 8d)
were paid by the king's writ in the court chamber of Geoffrey Mon' and
Ralph Fitz Stephen, leaving 1,000 marks (£666 13s 4d) to be
paid. The earl this year also paid the king £227 10s for
the knights and serjeants serving in Wales for the quarter part of a
year, a considerable undertaking. In 1166 he was recorded as
holding some 160 knights' fees. The return of 2 of Hugh's castles - Walton was retained - was probably connected with the king building Orford castle in the mid 1160s.
Earl Hugh paid another 500 marks (£333 6s 8d) to the Crown of
this debt, as the remaining 500 marks (£333 6s 8d) were called in
before 1173 when he rebelled against the king. Not surprisingly
the earl did not reply to this demand. He was further recorded as
owing £34 16s 8d for his old, pre 1135 fees and 38½ marks
(£25 13s 4d) for his new fees as an aid for the marriage of the
king's daughter.
Earl Hugh (d.1176) after rebelling in the spring of 1173, welcomed the earl of Leicester at Framlingham the next year, before the latter marched off to defeat at the battle of Fornham,
where Earl Hugh's son and heir, Roger (d.1221) fought against
him. The king at the end of July 1174 moved against Framlingham
castle where the earl was residing with a multitude of Fleming
mercenaries. On the drawing near of the royal army, which also
contained 500 carpenters, Hugh promptly surrendered Framlingham and Bungay
castles on condition that his mercenaries were allowed to return to
Flanders. Hugh also paid the king £12 10s of his
outstanding debt for the royal marriage, leaving that debt reduced to
£22 6s 8d.
Both Bigod castles, now under royal control, apparently survived their
master, with Hugh dying on Crusade, late in 1176. According to a
contemporary chronicler, it was only at the end of May 1177 that King
Henry ordered the destruction of all the rebellious castles from
1173-74. This included the Bigod castles of Framlingham and Bungay.
However, as early as Michaelmas 1175, Alnoth the Engineer was allowed
£14 15s 11d by writ of Richard Lucy and the overview of Robert
Mantel and Alnoth himself, for the carpenters and masons (cementarios)
who were sent to level Framlingham castle. That masons were sent
almost certainly confirms that the castle had masonry components and
therefore that the Romanesque castle predated 1173 as the architecture
would suggest. This would mean that it was the south-east section
of the castle that was demolished to make it indefensible and not that
the whole structure was reduced to its foundations.
Alnoth was also allowed 36s 1d for filling in the castle ditch or
moat. Further work was obviously carried out the next year when
Robert Willauesham and Alnoth the engineer oversaw the throwing down of
Walton castle for the grand sum of £31
8s 3d. Surprisingly the cost for levelling Framlingham came to
only £7 10s 6d. To put this in perspective, £20 was
spent at the same time on repairing Norwich castle keep. Walton castle
has sadly disappeared, probably with the corner of the old Roman fort
into the sea, but it is stunning that the destruction of this castle
cost more than that of Framlingham which cost over £21 if the
pipe roll accounts of 1175 and 1176 are combined. Even more
peculiar is the fact that Bungay castle,
which was recorded as destroyed at the same time is nowhere mentioned
in the rolls. Possibly the destruction of Bungay was therefore
erroneously entered as Framlingham in 1 of the 2 years. The
destruction of the earl's castles did have one benefit to the aging
earl, for at Michaelmas 1176 the king pardoned Earl Hugh his remaining
debt of 500 marks (£333 6s 8d) from his fine of 1163.
Instead Hugh made a new fine with his king for £466 13s 4d (700
marks) in recompense for all the damage he had caused. For this
he was allowed to hold all the lands he held of the king for his
life. Of the fine he immediately paid £133 6s 8d (200
marks), leaving a debt of £333 6s 8d (500 marks).
Presumably he soon afterwards set out on crusade.
On news of Earl Hugh's death reaching England the king quickly seized
his lands and farmed them out to Bartholomew Glanville, Chaplain
Wimarus and William Bardolf. That September they accounted for
the earl's debts of £100 112s from the old fine made in the time
of the war of Earl Hugh as well as an increment of £100 from the
same time as well as other debts. They further noted that Roger
Bigod was now summoned for these debts and that the sheriff had paid
off the £100 and some other minor amounts. Later the fine
of £333 6s 8d was noted as being owed by Roger alone. The
next year the debts of Roger Bigod, run up by his father in the time of
his war, were listed. These included various fines and farms, one
of which was for the damage done to the honour of Eye at £94 6d as well as a £10 tallage on Little Framlingham and £12 12s for the farm of Orford.
In total this came to debts of £100 112s and £567 12s 4d,
the king then wrote these massive amounts off. Despite this, it
was only at Michaelmas 1179 that it was recorded that Roger Bigod had
agreed to exchange all the debts of his father to the Crown for the
damage he had done in his war for a debt of 500 marks (£333 6s
8d).
The partially demolished Framlingham fortress was probably only returned to Hugh's son, Roger Bigod (d.1221), after Richard I
(1189-99) became king. Certainly Roger was only made earl of
Norfolk on 25 November 1189 by King Richard. Later, he served King John
loyally until the Magna Carta dispute of 1215 when he joined the
barons' 25 and was excommunicated by the pope. In early March
1216 Framlingham castle was besieged and taken by King John,
surrendering after 2 days despite having a garrison of 26 knights, 20
serjeants, 7 crossbowmen and a priest. By 21 March the castle was
garrisoned for the Crown and the named members of the garrison gave
security as they came to the king's peace. On 5 April Helias
Beauchamp was made royal constable of the garrison of Framlingham while
the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk was ordered to seize all the
chattels and goods of Earl Roger Bigod. Presumably the castle was
regranted to Roger by the end of the war in 1218. Certainly by
1225 the vill was back in Bigod hands when it was valued at
£105. On 6 July 1270 the Inquest Post Mortem on his
grandson, Earl Roger Bigod of Norfolk, found that he was lord of
Framlingham castle set in its park.
Unlike Bungay, Framlingham castle remained in
use during the later Middle Ages being held by the Brotherton, Ufford,
Mowbray and Howard families in succession. Under them repair work
and expansions were carried out in brick. By the end of the
sixteenth century the castle was in ruins. In the mid seventeenth
century the internal buildings were demolished and their sites used to
build a poor house.
Description
The castle overlooks the River Ore and stands slightly off centre
within large earthworks. These consist of 4 separate parts.
Centrally lies the inner ward with a slightly smaller outer bailey to
the west. To the south and east lies a large horseshoe shaped
bailey and to the north a rectangular town defence that fades out
towards the south. A water marsh or mere lay to the west beyond
the outer bailey. A 1997 survey determined that this was an
artificially dug feature.
The current masonry remains are undated, but the plethora of Romanesque
arches would suggest a Norman date and probably multiple building
dates. An early date for the fortress has been held to be
impossible as the castle was ‘demolished' after the Bigod
rebellion of 1173-74. Such claims need to be fully investigated
both archaeologically and historically.
The core of the castle complex now consists of a walled inner ward,
about 320' north to south and 230' east to west, surrounded by an 80'
wide and about 25' deep ditch. The curtain was made of local
flint and sedimentary septaria stones, while the quoins or the turrets
were fashioned from sandstone. It is readily apparent that the
walls were made in approximately 2' deep layers which give the masonry
a pseudo-Roman look - see Pevensey castle for proper Roman walls.
Beyond the main ward to the west at Framlingham lies a rectangular
outer ward, which bounds the mere to the west. The inner ward is
currently entered via a fifteenth century bridge which leads over the
great ditch to a simple rectangular gate tower. This was reworked
in the sixteenth century by Duke Thomas Howard of Norfolk (d.1524) who
added his coat of arms above the new gate. Internally there is a
Romanesque arch, although the internal portion of the structure has now
gone. Underneath the external Romanesque gateway another
triangular arch has been added which is similar to those found at the
keep at Orford. Presumably all of these are later additions. The gatehouse appears a normal rectangular tower affair,
similar to those found throughout early sites in England, viz. Berkhamsted, Castle Acre, Castle Rising, Harbottle, Hay on Wye, Launceston, Lewes, New Buckenham, Old Sarum, Portchester, Restormal, Richards Castle, Tintagel and Tremarton.
The gatetowers at Portchester and Richards Castle, also having been
extended outwards like Framlingham. Just inside the gatehouse is
the castle well, some 100' deep.
The enceinte curtain stood some 34' high and was up to 7½' thick
and is quite clearly of at least 2 separate builds. The earliest
part consists of an oval enclosure about 300' by 150'. The
south-east portion of this has been destroyed and a new rectangular
projection added with sides about 130' north to south by 170' east to
west. The ditch around the new angular work is also less flat
bottomed than the older ditch. From the gatehouse the enceinte
runs around the western and northern sides of the enclosure and
contains 7 backless rectangular turrets all about 50' high. The
wallwalk passes through each turret, often through Romanesque doorways
with white sandstone quoins. The original curtain appears to have
been solid and had no ground floor loops, apart from to the west where
a hall block once lay between 2 turrets. This block has
subsequently been overlain by the poorhouse although part of its north
front still remains. Within the poorhouse are 5 reset corbels
carved as heads.
Just south of the poorhouse is a postern that leads between 2 walls to
an exit to the south next to the rectangular outer ward prison
tower. This had its windows enlarged in the sixteenth
century. The tower is matched to the north by a backless
rectangular turret which makes up the other remaining section of curtain
walling of the outer ward. Other than the postern, which does not
actually enter the outer ward, there is no apparent means of egress
between the 2 wards. To say the least, this is unusual.
Opposite the poor house are the remains of the earliest hall block at
the castle. This consists of a rectangular chamber about 90' by
40'. Of this the inner walls have all vanished, but several
apertures remain through the east curtain. Also above the wall are 2
Tudor brick chimneys which make use of the round sandstone flues of the early
hall. All the rest but one of these sixteenth century chimneys
scattered around the site are purely decorative and not functional.
South of the hall block lay a chapel which projected eastwards beyond
the enceinte. This appears rather similar to the chapels at
Kildrummy and Lochleven castles in Scotland. Perhaps in all 3
cases the chapels predated the defences - hence their peculiar
positionings in relation to their curtains. The chapel therefore
makes a large curtain tower, but it is noticeable that the curtains
north and south of the structure are not on the same alignment,
although the masonry looks like an identical build. Centrally
there was a small Romanesque chancel window.
South again of the chapel is the latter angular extension with one
backless turret to the south and 2 solid turrets flanking an unusual
pentagonal tower at the angle. In the extension are a series of
double looped embrasures all facing south. There are no loops in
the east wall. Quite plainly these do not appear in the older
three-quarters of the enceinte. Such ground level crossbow
curtain defence is unique with its twin looped embrasures. Single
looped embrasures in curtains are not common, but examples can be found
at Rhuddlan inner ward (traditionally dated to the 1270s but possibly
up to a century earlier) and Grosmont (1220s) in Wales and Dunamase(c.1180-1220)
in Ireland. It is apparent that the 7 crossbowmen
in the 1216 garrison would have been hard pressed to man these loops
let
alone the tops of the 14 inner towers including the gatehouse.
All these towers seem to have had central loops in all 3 sides in their
upper floors.
The outer ward, some 200' north to south by 130' east to west, was
apparently added to the castle after the inner ward was built, though
as the 2 surviving towers seem similar to those of the inner ward,
presumably not long after. Geophysical surveying in 2002
confirmed that the enclosure was completely walled. The northern
rampart, some 10' high, ended before the backless turret, postern gate and
the wall running up to the inner enceinte, but stopped some 12' short
of it.
The town ditch, some 35' wide and about 4' deep with its associated
bank, to the north east of the castle, has been suggested as the
boundary of an Anglo-Saxon manorial complex. Beneath the entrance
to the castle some 50 burials were uncovered with associated pottery
which suggested that the cemetery was in use about 650-850 AD.
Excavations within the castle between the Poor House and the eastern
edge of the curtain wall in 1972 recorded an archaeological record to a
depth of 20'. This was interpreted as a moat which predated the
stone castle and possibly represented the outer defences of a motte,
ringwork or platform, occupying the northern half of the inner
bailey. It was further suggested that this structure was
demolished in the second half of the twelfth century, though whether
this was the archaeology being made to fit the scant historical
evidence or not is open to question. It was also recognised that
as castles were often built over previous Saxon manorial complexes,
that this might be a remnant of that. Considering the Romanesque
nature of the ruins the latter may be more likely.
Copyright©2020
Paul Martin Remfry